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Tomorrow, the Senate will begin debate -- again -- on whether or not to give immunity to giant telecom companies that helped the NSA illegally listen to your phone conversations and read your emails.
The White House is fighting hard for their friends in the industry, but it's up to the Senate to do the right thing. We cannot allow our basic civil liberties to be ignored. Tell your Senators today that you expect them to hold the telecom companies responsible for their actions.

Tell the Senate: No immunity for giant telecom companies. True Majority

The House has already passed a version of the bill that does NOT include immunity. Now it's time for the Senate to do the same. Don't let the White House bully the Senate into trampling our basic civil liberties. While the government issued the order, it was up to the telecom companies to decide whether or not to break the law. Those that did should be held responsible. In this country it takes a warrant to listen to the private conversations of American citizens. End of story.

Today is Martin Luther King Day. It almost slipped past me unnoticed. In the car this morning, I caught a bit of one of his speeches. Four minutes, tops. Yet enough to get me thinking. After work, I researched which speech it was that I had gotten a tantalizing taste of. "Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence" was delivered at New York City's Riverside Church on April 4, 1967. I downloaded the speech and listened to it as I read along. The words flowed off the pages and out of my speakers and pooled around me, vibrant and alive. Has it really been forty years? Some days, it seems that we have made no progress at all.

When King was in his prime, I was a suburban teen, more concerned with matching my knee socks to my sweaters and skirts than I was about civil rights. It simply wasn't a part of my life. And when King was assassinated, exactly one year after giving this speech, he vanished into an overarching sadness that I dimly felt but could not articulate. I'd like to belatedly take a moment to honor a man whose vision still reverberates after all these years, if we will but listen.

Politics can be a rough game. Candidates need to hold their competitors accountable and challenge distortions and lies. And God knows, we need a Democratic nominee who's willing to fight. But Hillary Clinton's campaign has included far too many cheap shots, sleazy manipulations, and unsavory players.

New questionable actions emerge daily. You're probably familiar with many. But it's the broader pattern that disturbs me—how much the Clinton campaign seems to nurture questionable actions from her operatives, supporters, and surrogates. And how the campaign's actions go beyond drawing legitimate political lines to an all-too-Rovian instinct to do whatever's deemed necessary to take down those blocking Clinton's potential victory. Here's a representative list of actions that, taken together, offer a troubling portent for her candidacy and presidency.

11 January marked the sixth year anniversary of the establishment of the Guantanamo detention camp. Mere months after the start of the 2001 United States invasion of Afghanistan, a large cargo plane landed in a US military base in Cuba's Guantanamo Bay, bringing in a group of hunchbacked, orange-clad, blindfolded, "terrorist" suspects, apparently representing the worst of the worst. They included children and aged men, charity workers, journalists and people who were sold to the US military in exchange for a large bounty.

The debate over this notorious prison has ever since been marred by easy reductionism. The fact is that Guantanamo is neither a warranted compound holding "bad people" -- as explained by the ever straightforward President Bush -- nor is it a dark spot in the otherwise luminous US record for respecting human rights, rules of war and international treaties. If anything, Guantanamo is a mere extension of a long list of untold violations practiced by the Bush administration, which condenses the camp to being a symbol of widespread policy predicated on nonchalantly undermining international law.

They all can win in the general election; therefore, the question is which will be best for our nation?  Consider:

The Survivor: Hilary Clinton has a record of change.  She also has a record of failure, a record of compromise, and a record of working with corporatists who have corrupted our system and turned it against the American people.  Clinton, in short, has the record of a survivor.  

She aspired to heroism in attempting to overhaul our health care system in ’92, but the abuse she suffered taught her to be more calculating.  Her husband had the strength and intelligence to balance the budget, but this achievement was a matter of fiscal common sense; it was not a demonstration of a moral commitment to justice and liberty for all. 

What should the peace movement do in 2008 to speed the end of the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, bring home the troops and mercenaries and contractors, and stop draining trillions of dollars out of Americans' pockets for an expense that most of us do not want?  And what should all organizations do whose domestic missions are devastated by the occupations' drain on the national treasury?

Of course, we should continue to work on public education, and on counter recruitment.  We should back congressional and presidential candidates who most closely approach our positions.  At the presidential level that means, in descending order: Kucinich, Edwards, and Obama.  (Make your own judgments regarding viability, spoiling, and symbolic delegate elections after the nominee is known).  We should redouble our efforts to open impeachment hearings for Cheney and Bush, in order to discourage new wars, in order to set a precedent, and because Bush and Cheney will not end any occupations in 2008 if they are in office, no matter what Congress does.  And we should lobby Congress to end the legal funding of the occupations in 2008.

“I am coming to you. You will explode after a few minutes.”

Ladies and gentlemen, it’s none other than “the Filipino Monkey,” now doing voiceovers for the Pentagon!

More bad melodrama in the Gulf, I’m afraid. And war with Iran is still a no-go, but the bellicose among us keep trying. It’s nothing new. The recent bizarre non-incident between U.S. warships and Iranian speedboats in the Strait of Hormuz — apparently Pentagon-edited for media consumption to create the illusion of provocation — has been justifiably compared to the bogus 1964 Tonkin Gulf incident, which became the pretext for 10 years of war in Vietnam, but it evokes historical patterns that run deeper than four decades.

America is awash in suspect and stolen elections. Since January, 2001, the nation has been saddled with an unelected chief executive. The consequences have been predictably horrific.

Along the way, three US Senate contests in 2002 and numerous other Congressional and local elections have been subjected to partisan disenfranchisement of qualified voters, and vote counts that smack of theft and fraud.

Even now the primary in New Hampshire is rightly being challenged to do an expensive but necessary recount procedure that could and should have been avoided.

As has been shown in the Free Press and elsewhere through the stolen 2000 and 2004 presidential contests, there are scores of ways by which elections can and have been rigged and ripped off in this new century. And there are scores of cures that can be put forth.

But we believe they can boil down to a basic three:

1. AUTOMATIC VOTER REGISTRATION, WITH SIGNATURE VERIFICATION:

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